Home Politics Security Agencies: Protector or perpetrator? — Inside Malava’s violent by-election

Security Agencies: Protector or perpetrator? — Inside Malava’s violent by-election

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[Seth Panyako one of the Malava constituency by-election aspirant. He has blamed security agencies for terrorising his supporters with an aim of swaying the voting on Thursday November 27, 2025. Photo/courtesy].

KAKAMEGA, November 27, 2025—As Malava Constituency went to the polls in the November 27 by-election, one institution stood at the centre of every whisper, confrontation and accusation: the security agencies. In a contest marred by arson, intimidation and night-time raids, the line between the protectors and the perpetrators blurred so profoundly that many residents now say the greatest threat to their safety was not the rival candidates — but those entrusted to keep order.

For weeks leading up to the vote, political actors accused police of selective enforcement, delayed responses and covert alliances with organised groups operating around Manyonje, Chemuche and Shamberere. Yet it was the events of election week that solidified the public’s suspicion that something had gone terribly wrong in Malava’s security architecture.

The arrest of candidate Seth Panyako was the first flashpoint. Hauled into Malava Police Station on what his party called “politically engineered charges,” his detention became a symbol of security agencies straying from neutrality. DAP-K leaders claimed that hours before his arrest, armed groups — allegedly acting under the protection of rogue police elements — stormed his home and threatened campaign staff, vandalised property and dispersed agents who were finalising polling-day preparations.

“We reported the attack, but instead of pursuing the culprits, they detained the victim,” a senior party official lamented. “From that moment, we knew the ground was not safe — and not because of our opponents.”

On the streets, the perception was no different. Residents in Manyonje described a chilling pattern: uniformed officers showing up minutes after violent incidents, long after attackers had vanished. Instead of securing scenes, some officers reportedly focused on dispersing crowds, warning witnesses not to “politicise security issues.”

The arson attack on a Toyota Prado — one of the most visible symbols of the day’s unrest — raised even more questions. Despite the vehicle being torched only a short distance from a police patrol route, no arrests were made, and locals said officers seemed “reluctant” to pursue leads. One businesswoman watching the smouldering wreck put it bluntly:

“Those boys were not scared of the police. That tells you everything.”

Tension

Tensions escalated further when police attempted to break up an opposition rally in Malava Town. Video clips captured frightened residents running as tear gas filled the streets. But in an unusual turn, locals confronted officers, demanding to know why they were enforcing political instructions rather than maintaining public order. The officers retreated — a moment that laid bare the mistrust on the ground.

Youth leaders claimed plain-clothed individuals — believed to be officers working with political operatives — were seen loitering around polling stations long before voting began. Their presence unsettled voters, many of whom approached ballot centres cautiously, eyes darting, unsure who was a civilian and who was an enforcer.

“Security became the intimidation,” said a voter from Chemuche. “We were not sure if the people standing outside were protecting the vote or policing us to vote a certain way.”

Human rights observers echoed the concerns, pointing to a pattern of selective protection where state resources appeared to shield certain candidates while leaving others exposed. Reports cited delayed responses to attacks on opposition supporters, the use of excessive force in dispersing rallies, and an unusual silence from law enforcement leadership amid escalating tension.

Yet the security agencies maintained that they acted within the law, attributing the unrest to “isolated criminal incidents” and “chaotic crowds.” But residents insist the violence was neither isolated nor random — it was coordinated, predictable and enabled by an environment where accountability was glaringly absent.

By the time ballots were counted, the damage was already done. Public trust in security institutions had eroded, victims felt abandoned, and Malava’s by-election became a case study in how compromised policing can distort a democratic process.

The question that dominated conversations in Malava now hangs in the national consciousness: When the very agencies meant to protect an election become part of the problem, who protects democracy itself?

In Malava, that question remains painfully unanswered.

 

 

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